Tuesday, May 21, 2013

Church/State

The Supreme Court will hear a case deciding whether or not a town council in upstate New York can open its meetings with a prayer.

For more than a decade starting in 1999, the Town Board began its public meetings with a prayer from a “chaplain of the month.” Town officials said that members of all faiths, and atheists, were welcome to give the opening prayer.

In practice, the federal appeals court in New York said, almost all of the chaplains were Christian.

“A substantial majority of the prayers in the record contained uniquely Christian language,” Judge Guido Calabresi wrote for a unanimous three-judge panel of the court, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. “Roughly two-thirds contained references to ‘Jesus Christ,’ ‘Jesus,’ ‘Your Son’ or the ‘Holy Spirit.’”

Two town residents sued, saying the prayers ran afoul of the First Amendment’s prohibition of the government establishment of religion. The appeals court agreed. “The town’s prayer practice must be viewed as an endorsement of a particular religious viewpoint,” Judge Calabresi wrote.

Cue up the Chorus of The Poor Persecuted Majority who will tell us that there is no place safe in America for them to impose their faith and practice on the rest of us whether we want it or not.

Solution: put an imam in the rotation as “chaplain of the month” and see how quickly they decide to bag the whole thing.

Tuesday, April 30, 2013

You Don’t Say

Sandra Day O’Connor thinks Bush v. Gore might not have been a good idea after all.

“It took the case and decided it at a time when it was still a big election issue,” O’Connor told the Chicago Tribune editorial board last Friday. “Maybe the court should have said, ‘We’re not going to take it, goodbye.’”

In a 5-4 decision at the time, O’Connor voted with four other Republican-appointed justices to shut down the recount in Florida, the decisive state in the election.

“Obviously the court did reach a decision and thought it had to reach a decision,” the retired justice told the Tribune editorial board. “It turned out the election authorities in Florida hadn’t done a real good job there and kind of messed it up. And probably the Supreme Court added to the problem at the end of the day.”

O’Connor, the first woman Supreme Court justice who retired in 2006, lamented that the case “stirred up the public” and “gave the court a less-than-perfect reputation.” Legal experts have noted that the Court has not cited the decision even once since it was made, which some interpret as a testament to its soundness.

Ya think?

Thursday, March 28, 2013

So Now We Wait

Equality Sign 03-26-13The oral arguments are over.  The Supreme Court justices will now retreat behind their velvet curtains, and we won’t hear their judgments on Prop 8 and DOMA until the end of June.  The Supreme Court does not even have a chimney from which we’ll see telltale smoke, so the tea leaf reading will have to do.

For what it’s worth, here’s what my tea leaves are telling me.  The Court will strike down Prop 8 by a 5-4 margin and do it very narrowly, perhaps by wussing out by saying the plaintiffs had no standing to bring the case and leaving the lower court ruling in place, which means that same-sex marriage can resume in California.  As for DOMA, my sense is that they will knock it down, also by a 5-4 margin, but on the states’ rights platform: Congress overreached by setting federal standards for marriage laws in the states.  They won’t do it because of some revelation about the gay community in terms of equal treatment under the law.  After all, according to Chief Justice Roberts, we’re already a political powerful force and can do whatever we want, right?  (We’ll get back to you, Chief, when we’ve repealed the constitutional bans on marriage equality in all those states that whooped them through in the last ten years and LGBT citizens are protected from discrimination in employment, housing, adoption, and inheritance.)

Even if the Court was to issue sweeping rulings that invalidated all the anti-gay measures in every jurisdiction such as they did with school segregation in Brown v. Board of Education or abortion with Roe v. Wade, it would not magically mean that everything is set right.  It took decades for school desegregation to take effect, and it still exists simply by the fact that poorer neighborhoods have poorer schools in every district in the country.  Abortion rights and reproductive health is under attack every day; witness the laws enacted in North Dakota this week that basically make abortion illegal from the moment the couple’s breathing returns to normal.

The immediate effects of a positive outcome from the Court on Prop 8 will impact California, but it won’t change the laws in Florida or Ohio, and the likelihood is that the Religious Reich and the panty-sniffers at the anti-gay groups will redouble their efforts to write laws that work their way around the ruling, much as they have with the personhood amendments and attempts to endow microscopic blastocysts with all the rights of citizenship.  The scuttling of DOMA will not grant immediate relief.  There are over 1,100 federal regulations that will have to be modified, and the tax code will have to be re-written to allow for same-sex couples filings and claims, and we all know how quickly bureaucracy moves.

The one advantage that the marriage equality movement seems to have in its favor is that public acceptance is growing at a surprisingly strong rate.  People of all political and religious stripes are coming out, so to speak, in favor of it, and for once the Court cases are riding the wave.  In previous landmark rulings such as Brown, Roe, and Loving v. Virginia, which overturned bans on interracial marriage in 1967, public opinion was not in favor of the rulings.  But it is no longer a political danger to support marriage equality, and a lot of people who had previously been opposed to it are learning that they either have a personal reason to change their views (“Mom, Dad; we need to talk…”) or they realize that a number of their constituents are supportive of the idea of treating all people the same.

It will be three months until we hear the judgment of the Court.  And it will a lot longer before we see the results of the rulings, assuming they are the way I hope they go.  But if, as we’re seeing in the political arena and popular perception, the move is on to strike down the stigmatization of the gay community, for once the Court will be at least in step with rest of the nation.

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

DOMA Day

The Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) goes to the Supreme Court today.  For those of you who have been in the Delta Quadrant for the last few years, this is the odious law enacted in 1996 and signed by Bill Clinton (who has recently come to regret that decision).  The law defines marriage as a union between one man and one woman and bans the federal benefits of marriage to those couples who do not meet that standard even if marriage equality is legal in the several states.  The specific case being heard today is United States v. Windsor in which a widow has been denied tax benefits resulting from the death of her spouse, who happened to be a woman.

As Sahil Kapur at TPM explains, there are three possible outcomes to today’s hearing:

First, the Court could uphold DOMA by determining that the federal government has a legitimate interest in treating straight and gay couples differently. The would continue the status quo unless and until Congress repeals the law.

Second, the Court could strike down DOMA upon deciding that married same-sex couples are entitled to the same treatment as married opposite-sex couples. That would provide tax and retirement benefits to gay and lesbian couples and let Americans sponsor a gay partner from another country for legal permanent residency.

Third, the Court could conclude that the case lacks standing and send it back to the lower courts for a do-over. The case is unique in that the White House has refused to defend a federal law, leaving the task to House Republicans. If a majority of justices decide that the House majority is not a proper party to defend this, the Court could punt the decision.

As was the case on Prop 8, the likely swing justice is Anthony Kennedy, who has written the Supreme Court’s two key opinions in favor of gay rights. He appeared hesitant Tuesday to impose marriage equality on all states but gay rights advocates are confident that Kennedy will side with them and strike down the Defense of Marriage Act.

We will know the Court’s rulings on both DOMA and Prop 8 by the Fourth of July.

Quote of the Day

Maureen Dowd on the cowardice of some of the members of the Supreme Court who sounded as if they were afraid to impose marriage equality:

This court is plenty bold imposing bad decisions on the country, like anointing W. president or allowing unlimited money to flow covertly into campaigns. But given a chance to make a bold decision putting them on the right, and popular, side of history, they squirm.

Because teh gay is icky!

Tuesday, March 19, 2013

Short Takes

Cyprus — Bailout plan causes panic around the world.

Syrian rebels elect U.S. citizen as its prime minister.

A student who took his own life at the University of Central Florida had planned a campus attack.

Arizona’s immigration law gets a grilling at the Supreme Court.

FBI says it knows who stole millions of dollars worth of art in Boston in 1990.

Cosmic Events — There’s a snowstorm headed for the Northeast, and the sun is shooting out huge flares.

Friday, March 1, 2013

Heightened Scrutiny

The Obama administration has filed an amicus brief in the the Supreme Court case against Prop 8.  Greg Sargent explains why this is a big deal.

The key to the brief is that it makes two arguments. The first is that it agrees with the ruling of a lower court — which found Prop 8 unconstitutional — that challenges to the constitutionality of such laws should require that they are subjected to “heightened scrutiny.” That means the court should hold their rationale for discriminating to an extremely high standard, and strike them down if they fail to have a credible justification. The brief does that here, in a reference to previous Supreme Court ruling in cases involving challenges to discriminatory laws:

[C]lassifications based on sexual orientation call for application of heightened scrutiny. Each of the four considerations identified by this Court supports that conclusion: (1) gay and lesbian people have suffered a significant history of discrimination in this country; (2) sexual orientation generally bears no relation to ability to perform or contribute to society; (3) discrimination against gay and lesbian people is based on an immutable or distinguishing characteristic that defines them as a group; and (4) notwithstanding certain progress, gay and lesbian people — as Proposition 8 itself underscores — are a minority group with limited power to protect themselves from adverse outcomes in the political process. [...]

Because a classification based on sexual orientation calls for the application of heightened scrutiny, petitioners must establish that Proposition 8, at a minimum, is “substantially related to an important governmental objective.”

The second key to the brief is that it argues that when you apply “heightened scrutiny” to Prop 8, it is found to violate the equal protection clause of the U.S. Constitution.

What this means is that the government, while focusing its brief on Prop 8 itself, has, for all practical purposes, asked the Supreme Court to set a precedent that can be applied to all state laws banning gay marriage — the arguments that these laws must survive “heightened scrutiny,” and that they violate the Constitution.

If the Supreme Court strikes down Prop 8 based on the heightened scrutiny argument, then it could invalidate all the laws in the country that ban marriage equality, much in the same way that Brown v. Board of Education invalidated school segregation in places other than Topeka, Kansas.  It would set a precedent for overturning other laws that discriminate against members of the LGBT community, such as the adoption restrictions in Florida, already pretty much ruled unconstitutional by lower courts.

What’s been sardonically laughable are the arguments the pro-Prop 8 crowd are making in favor of keeping Prop 8 in place.  They run the gamut of the usual frets: we’re headed for the slippery slope to polygamy and people marrying dogs (which means they don’t understand the basics of contract law); it violates the First Amendment guarantee of religious freedom to be bigoted assholes (which means they don’t get the part where no one is forcing the churches to marry everyone); to the best argument of all: gays and lesbians are really a very powerful political force, they have lots of money (and nice clothes), and they’re not the ones who are discriminated against; we, the poor picked-on Christians who make a living gay-bashing, are the true victims here.  Seriously.

The Supreme Court has the historic chance to live up to the simple idea that all people are entitled to equal rights under the law.  Whether or not you tie it up with terms like “heightened scrutiny” or just the simple fact that denying one group of people the same rights as everyone else ends up denying everyone their rights, it is not a hard choice to make.  It doesn’t matter if it comes down to an interpretation of the Constitution or a vote by the one member of the Court who does not want to go down in history as the person who stood in the way of inevitable human progress.  History will be watching.

Now that’s heightened scrutiny.

Thursday, February 28, 2013

Scalia Said What?

Heard during the oral arguments on the Voting Rights Act at the Supreme Court:

Justice Antonin Scalia said the law, once a civil rights landmark, now amounted to a “perpetuation of racial entitlement.”

That remark created the sharpest exchange of the morning, with Justice Sonia Sotomayor on the other end. “Do you think that the right to vote is a racial entitlement?” she later asked a lawyer challenging the law, with an edge in her voice that left little doubt she was responding to Justice Scalia’s statement. “Do you think that racial discrimination in voting has ended, that there is none anywhere?”

Perhaps it’s time for Mr. Scalia to take a hint from Benedict XVI and find a nice quiet monastery to retire to.

Scott Lemieux at LGM sums it up:

So if I understand Scalia’s jurisprudence correctly, the 14th Amendment (which says nothing about race) applies only to racial discrimination (that affects white people) (unless a Republican has a presidential election to win), while the 15th Amendment (which explicitly forbids racial discrimination in voting and empowers Congress to enforce the provision) should not be construed as allowing Congress to prevent racial discrimination in voting, because this would be a “racial entitlement.”  Fascinating.

PS: Rachel Maddow has some background on the VRA for you youngsters.

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

Nixon and Bork

Via TPM:

Robert Bork says President Richard Nixon promised him the next Supreme Court vacancy after Bork complied with Nixon’s order to fire Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox in 1973.

Bork’s recollection of his role in the Saturday Night Massacre that culminated in Cox’s firing is at the center of his slim memoir, “Saving Justice,” that is being published posthumously by Encounter Books. Bork died in December at age 85.

Bork writes that he didn’t know if Nixon actually, though mistakenly, believed he still had the political clout to get someone confirmed to the Supreme Court or was just trying to secure Bork’s continued loyalty as his administration crumbled in the Watergate scandal.

President Ronald Reagan nominated Bork to the high court in 1987. The nomination failed in the Senate.

Wow.

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

Short Takes

Pakistan is having their own little “Arab Spring.”

Egypt — Train crash kills 19.

President Obama to GOP: “We are not a deadbeat nation.”

New York is set to pass the nation’s toughest gun laws.

Former President George H.W. Bush is released from the hospital.

Justice Thomas breaks his silence in the Supreme Court.

Lance Armstrong will turn states evidence.

Saturday, December 8, 2012

The Supreme Court To Hear Prop 8 and DOMA Cases

The Supreme Court will hear arguments on both the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and California’s Prop 8.  Here’s some background on both cases.

The new California case, Hollingsworth v. Perry, No. 12-144, was filed in 2009 by Theodore B. Olson and David Boies, two lawyers who were on opposite sides in the Supreme Court’s decision in Bush v. Gore, which settled the 2000 presidential election. The suit argued that California voters had violated the federal Constitution the previous year when they overrode a decision of the state’s Supreme Court allowing same-sex marriages.

A federal judge in San Francisco agreed, issuing a broad decision that said the Constitution required the state to allow same-sex couples to marry. The decision has been stayed.

A divided three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, also in San Francisco, affirmed the decision. But the majority relied on narrower grounds that seemed calculated to avoid Supreme Court review or, at least, attract the vote of the presumed swing member of that court, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.

[...]

The second case the court agreed to hear, United States v. Windsor, No. 12-307, challenges a part of the Defense of Marriage Act of 1996. Section 3 of the law defines marriage as between only a man and a woman for the purposes of more than 1,000 federal laws and programs. (Another part of the law, not before the court, says that states need not recognize same-sex marriages from other states.)

The case concerns two New York City women, Edith Windsor and Thea Clara Spyer, who married in 2007 in Canada. Ms. Spyer died in 2009, and Ms. Windsor inherited her property. The 1996 law did not allow the Internal Revenue Service to treat Ms. Windsor as a surviving spouse, and she faced a tax bill of about $360,000 that a spouse in an opposite-sex marriage would not have had to pay.

Ms. Windsor sued, and in October the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in New York, struck down the 1996 law. The decision was the second from a federal appeals court to do so, joining one in May from a court in Boston. The Windsor case made its way to the Supreme Court unusually quickly because the parties had filed an appeal from the trial court’s decision in the case, which also struck down the law, even before the appeals court had ruled.

The two cases will go before the court by March with rulings expected by the end of June.

As expected, both sides are crowing that their side will win (JMG has a compendium of reactions), but since at least one request for a ruling by the Supreme Court came from the losing side, my instinct tells me that marriage equality will win.

I have no basis for that conclusion other than the fact that both DOMA and Prop 8 have been ruled unconstitutional by judges and courts that are known for being conservative and the arguments that won the case were based on legal interpretations of the application of the equal protection clauses in the Constitution as opposed to those arguments from the anti-equality supporters who based their arguments on junk science and theology.

Another factor is that since the time that both DOMA and Prop 8 were passed, attitudes in America about marriage equality have gone through a remarkable change.  When DOMA became law in 1996, no state had legalized same-sex marriage, Don’t Ask Don’t Tell was still on the books, and few on either side of the issue believed that there was much of a chance for marriage equality in the near future.  But today, the number of states that allow it has gone from zero to nine, and three of them — Maine, Marlyand, and Washington — have affirmed the right by popular vote, which had always been the highest bar to get over.  Prior to November 6, 2012, the anti-marriage folks argued that marriage equality was forced “down the throats” (their words, Dr. Freud) by activist judges and out-of-control legislatures and that the voters should decide, pointing to a number of states where the measures for equality had failed at the ballot box.

But now the tide has changed, and it’s not just because attitudes about the LGBT community are becoming more enlightened.  The day-to-day implications of the unfairness of DOMA are being made clear as couples get married and face the real-life consequences of living under state-sanctioned marriage equality but denied the rights of a married couple under federal law.  The case in California points out that even a vote of the people can violate the Constitution if enough people are frightened into voting for something based on fables and fear.

I know right off that there are two votes against the cases in the Court right now: Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas.  Justice Scalia has said that it would be “easy” to overturn gay rights rulings, and Justice Thomas, while not as virulently squeamish about Teh Gay as Mr. Scalia, tends to believe that the states are the only ones who can determine individual rights.  He voted to uphold Colorado’s Amendment 2 that outlawed anti-gay discrimination laws in municipalities.  I’ll bet that DOMA is the one case on which he’ll side with the proponents of federalism.

Coincidentally, I was watching the film Lincoln yesterday when the news broke about the Court deciding to take the cases.  I won’t spoil if for you, but there is a part of the story where the case is being made to ban slavery in the United States through the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.  The argument came down to whether or not African-Americans were equal to white men in society or before the law.  In 1865 it was commonly accepted that black people were inferior in terms of society and stature, but, as Thaddeus Stevens argued, they are equal in the eyes of the law.

That was a pretty radical argument back then.  Today, while it’s off the scale to compare the denial of marriage equality to slavery, the point is the same: while society may treat citizens differently and even unfairly, they cannot be denied their fundamental rights.  The Constitution makes no provision for partial equality, and those rights and responsibilities must be available to all of us.

It is now up to the Supreme Court to prove that case.  Let us hope they listen to Thaddeus Stevens.

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Going After Citizens United

The only way to overturn the Supreme Court’s ruling that money is speech in political campaigns and thereby protected by the Constitution is to change the Constitution.  Which is exactly what Sen. Tom Udall (D-NM) is setting out to do.

“There’s just no way around it,” he says. “There’s no way to get to transparency and disclosure as long as the decision stands. I don’t see a way around it, anyway.” Instead, Udall is the driving force to repeal Citizens United through a constitutional amendmentThe amendment would give Congress the constitutional power to regulate the raising and spending of money in national elections, and it would give the states the same power to regulate spending in their elections. The amendment strikes at the fundamental heresy that lies at the heart of both Citizens United and Buckley v. Valeo, the 40-year-old case that made CU inevitable, given the correct composition of a future Supreme Court: namely, that money is speech. To this, of course, was added the equally preposterous notion that corporations are people and that, therefore, they have the same free speech rights as you, me, and the guy on the next bar stool. (How preposterous? Google Santa Clara County vs. Southern Pacific Railroad some time and get a good look at how corporate personhood got birthed on the wrong side of the constitutional blanket.) Pass the amendment, and all of the entangled absurdity of Citizens United goes away. One doomsday machine takes out the other.

While I admire the sentiment and endorse the idea, it will never pass.  Count on it.  There’s too much corporate interest in keeping the ruling as it stands.  Another argument is that for all the hue and cry over Citizens United and the predictions that the election would be handed over to the folks with all the dough to buy and sell it as they please, it didn’t exactly work out that way.  Sheldon Adelson, Karl Rove, and the Koch Brothers got bupkus for their billions.  So why change the foundation of our governing laws to solve a problem that turned out to be nothing much?

Because the idea of corporations having the same rights as a person is Newspeak.

Saturday, November 10, 2012

Short Takes

CIA Director David Petraeus resigns citing extramarital affair.

The Supreme Court will hear a key voting rights case.

Rapid reconstruction underway in New York after Sandy.

President Obama sticks to his campaign pledge of demanding tax hikes on the rich.

Finally: Democrat Jay Inslee wins governor’s race in Washington.  (Who counted the votes, Miami-Dade County?)

Eight New Jersey businesses were cited for post-Sandy price gouging.

Scrooged: Coal company fires 150 workers in retaliation for Obama’s re-election.

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

Three Little Words

I’ve been doing this blogging thing long enough that I’m in the middle of my third presidential election, and I’m beginning to see that certain memes start to pop up at certain stages in those campaigns.  For instance, as October and the first Monday of that month approaches, we are reminded of the fact that far beyond the legacy of four or eight years of a president are at stake thanks to three little words: The Supreme Court.

Ronald Reagan has been dead for lo these many years, and George H.W. Bush has long since gone back to Houston, but their work lives on in their appointments to the Court, including Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas.  George W. Bush’s choice for Chief Justice, John Roberts, is a comparatively young man (he’s younger than me) and could be on the Court for another twenty-five years.  And as we have all learned, for good or ill, the Court and its rulings can have a transformational impact on every part of our lives.

Barack Obama has already appointed two new justices; Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor.  Time, tide, and the actuarial tables predict that he will get to appoint a few more if he’s re-elected.  And that has some on the right understandably attentive.

“The potential impact of the next president on the Supreme Court is immense,” said Carrie Severino, the chief counsel and policy director at the Judicial Crisis Network, a right-of-center advocacy group. “There could easily be three nominations during the next term. … Most people expect there to be at least one vacancy.”

She said if Obama were re-elected and got three more high court nominations, “that would put him in the position of having nominated the majority of the justices on the Supreme Court. That’s an incredible influence over the way the court shapes American society.”

Keep that in mind the next time you hear about a survey scoring the “likeability” of a presidential candidate; sure, you can think about who you’d like to have a beer with, but your drinking buddy could also be the one who picks the folks who decide the future of a lot of important issues such as campaign finance, marriage equality,  and reproductive rights for the next fifty years.

Those three little words pack a hell of a punch.

Monday, July 30, 2012

If I Had A Rocket Launcher…

Justice Antonin Scalia thinks a hand-held rocket launcher is permissible under the Second Amendment.

In the wake of a massacre in Colorado that left 12 dead and 58 wounded, host Chris Wallace asked Scalia if the Constitution would support assault-type AR-15 rifles and 100-round clips.

The justice explained that under his principle of originalism, some limitations on weapons were possible. Fox example, laws to restrict people from carrying a “head axe” would be constitutional because it was a misdemeanor when the Constitution was adopted in the late 1700s.

“What about these technological limitations?” Wallace wondered. “Obviously, we’re not now talking about a handgun or a musket, we’re talking about a weapon that can fire a hundred shots in a minute.”

“We’ll see,” Scalia replied. “Obviously the amendment does not apply to arms that can not be carried. It’s to ‘keep and bear’ so it doesn’t apply to cannons.”

“But I suppose there are handheld rocket launchers that can bring down airplanes that will have to — it will have to be decided,” he added.

So a head axe would be prohibited, but a small nuke — which can fit on a rocket launcher — would be permissible?

Oh, by the way, ladies, according to Mr. Justice, you have no right to contraception.

“Nobody ever thought that the America people voted to prohibit limitations on abortions,” the 76-year-old conservative justice explained. “There’s nothing in the Constitution that says that.”

“What about the right to privacy that the court found in 1965?” Wallace pressed.

“There’s no right to privacy in the Constitution — no generalized right to privacy,” Scalia insisted.

“Well, in the Griswold case, the court said there was,” Wallace pointed out.

“Yeah, it did,” Scalia agreed. “And that was wrong.”

Under the principle of originalism, the Constitution “simple [sic] doesn’t cover” abortion,” he added. “Which means it’s left to — it’s left to democratic choice as most things are, even important things like abortion.”

In its 1965 Griswold v. Connecticut decision, the court found that Connecticut could not prohibit the use of contraception because people have a “right to marital privacy.”

I’m not a lawyer, but I know a right-wing whacko when I see one, and this particular one sits on the highest court in the land.

If I Had A Rocket Launcher…

Justice Antonin Scalia thinks a hand-held rocket launcher is permissible under the Second Amendment.

In the wake of a massacre in Colorado that left 12 dead and 58 wounded, host Chris Wallace asked Scalia if the Constitution would support assault-type AR-15 rifles and 100-round clips.

The justice explained that under his principle of originalism, some limitations on weapons were possible. Fox example, laws to restrict people from carrying a “head axe” would be constitutional because it was a misdemeanor when the Constitution was adopted in the late 1700s.

“What about these technological limitations?” Wallace wondered. “Obviously, we’re not now talking about a handgun or a musket, we’re talking about a weapon that can fire a hundred shots in a minute.”

“We’ll see,” Scalia replied. “Obviously the amendment does not apply to arms that can not be carried. It’s to ‘keep and bear’ so it doesn’t apply to cannons.”

“But I suppose there are handheld rocket launchers that can bring down airplanes that will have to — it will have to be decided,” he added.

So a head axe would be prohibited, but a small nuke — which can fit on a rocket launcher — would be permissible?

Oh, by the way, ladies, according to Mr. Justice, you have no right to contraception.

“Nobody ever thought that the America people voted to prohibit limitations on abortions,” the 76-year-old conservative justice explained. “There’s nothing in the Constitution that says that.”

“What about the right to privacy that the court found in 1965?” Wallace pressed.

“There’s no right to privacy in the Constitution — no generalized right to privacy,” Scalia insisted.

“Well, in the Griswold case, the court said there was,” Wallace pointed out.

“Yeah, it did,” Scalia agreed. “And that was wrong.”

Under the principle of originalism, the Constitution “simple [sic] doesn’t cover” abortion,” he added. “Which means it’s left to — it’s left to democratic choice as most things are, even important things like abortion.”

In its 1965 Griswold v. Connecticut decision, the court found that Connecticut could not prohibit the use of contraception because people have a “right to marital privacy.”

I’m not a lawyer, but I know a right-wing whacko when I see one, and this particular one sits on the highest court in the land.

Monday, July 2, 2012

Court Intrigue

According to an article by Jan Crawford at CBS News, Chief Justice John Roberts was all set to join the four conservatives and throw out the ACA, but changed his mind.

Roberts then withstood a month-long, desperate campaign to bring him back to his original position, the sources said. Ironically, Justice Anthony Kennedy – believed by many conservatives to be the justice most likely to defect and vote for the law – led the effort to try to bring Roberts back to the fold.

“He was relentless,” one source said of Kennedy’s efforts. “He was very engaged in this.”

But this time, Roberts held firm. And so the conservatives handed him their own message which, as one justice put it, essentially translated into, “You’re on your own.”

The conservatives refused to join any aspect of his opinion, including sections with which they agreed, such as his analysis imposing limits on Congress’ power under the Commerce Clause, the sources said.

Instead, the four joined forces and crafted a highly unusual, unsigned joint dissent. They deliberately ignored Roberts’ decision, the sources said, as if they were no longer even willing to engage with him in debate.

The Medicis and the Borgias got nothing on these folks.

Court Intrigue

According to an article by Jan Crawford at CBS News, Chief Justice John Roberts was all set to join the four conservatives and throw out the ACA, but changed his mind.

Roberts then withstood a month-long, desperate campaign to bring him back to his original position, the sources said. Ironically, Justice Anthony Kennedy – believed by many conservatives to be the justice most likely to defect and vote for the law – led the effort to try to bring Roberts back to the fold.

“He was relentless,” one source said of Kennedy’s efforts. “He was very engaged in this.”

But this time, Roberts held firm. And so the conservatives handed him their own message which, as one justice put it, essentially translated into, “You’re on your own.”

The conservatives refused to join any aspect of his opinion, including sections with which they agreed, such as his analysis imposing limits on Congress’ power under the Commerce Clause, the sources said.

Instead, the four joined forces and crafted a highly unusual, unsigned joint dissent. They deliberately ignored Roberts’ decision, the sources said, as if they were no longer even willing to engage with him in debate.

The Medicis and the Borgias got nothing on these folks.

Friday, June 29, 2012

Short Takes

European leaders agree to help struggling banks.

Colorado wildfires continue; claim one life.

The Supreme Court struck down the Stolen Valor act, a law that made it a crime to lie about winning a military honor.

Stockton, California, files for bankruptcy.

China completed its first manned mission to the space station.

Miami’s Metrorail gets ready to open a new line next month.

The Tigers beat the Rays.