Thursday, February 20, 2020

Debate Wrap — What Happens In Vegas

I watched only the first half-hour, but if the rest of it went like that, then Mike Bloomberg knows that money doesn’t keep you from getting mugged; it adds to it.

Via TPM:

Bloomberg came into Wednesday’s Democratic presidential primary debate with a target on his back.

After skipping the early part of the primary race and then dumping nine-figures into a wave of nationwide television advertising, Bloomberg’s campaign released a memo Wednesday morning that portrayed four other candidates on stage as, essentially, political dead weight. Bloomberg’s campaign urged them to get out of the way and clear the path for a Bloomberg-Sanders primary.

Clearly, Bloomberg’s opponents were peeved at their new competition. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) set the tone early Wednesday night in Las Vegas.

“I’d like to talk about who we’re running against: A billionaire who calls women ‘fat broads’ and ‘horse-faced lesbians,” and no I’m not talking about Donald Trump, I’m talking about Mayor Bloomberg,” she said, to an audible reaction from the crowd.

After Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) hammered Bloomberg’s memo — “I don’t think you look at Donald Trump and say, ‘We need someone richer in the White House,’” she quipped — the former mayor answered his colleagues with a tepid response.

“I think we have two questions to face tonight. One is, who can beat Donald Trump? And number two, who can do the job if they get into the White House?” Bloomberg said.

Michael Bloomberg fits the bill, Michael Bloomberg said, ignoring the withering criticisms of him on stage and focusing directly on the President.

Later, attacked on the “stop-and-frisks” carried out by police in New York — the use of the maneuver increased massively during Bloomberg’s tenure — the mayor used passive voice, messily dodging one of the most predictable questions of the night.

“Well, if I go back and look at my time in office, the one thing that I’m really worried about, embarrassed about, was how it turned out with stop-and-frisk,” he said, haltingly. Later, he said of the policy: “What happened, however, was it got out of control.”

One answer from the former New York mayor even solicited a loud groan from the audience in attendance in Las Vegas, regarding the tax returns he has not yet released.

“It just takes us a long time,” he said, adding: “I can’t go to TurboTax.”

That was just the beginning.

And Mr. Bloomberg isn’t even on the ballot in the Nevada caucuses on Saturday.

The consensus among the punditry is that Warren and Buttigieg helped themselves by showing some real firepower directed not just at the former New York mayor but at anyone who attacked them and that Biden didn’t do any damage to himself.  It sets out a solid core of strong centrists (is there such a thing?) to counter the harsh (or at least loud) rhetoric from Sanders, and there were enough quips and jabs that proved that there’s still a market for zingers.

And for all you hand-wringers about Democrats in Disarray, remember the wise words of Abraham Lincoln: “No matter how much cats fight, there always seem to be plenty of kittens.”

Wednesday, February 19, 2020

A Law Unto Himself

Oh, come on; you knew this would happen.

Trump on Tuesday used his sweeping presidential pardon powers to forgive the crimes of a list of boldface names, including disgraced politician Rod R. Blagojevich, convicted junk bond king Michael Milken and former New York police commissioner Bernard Kerik.

Trump pardoned or commuted the sentences of seven convicted white-collar criminals at the center of federal anti-corruption and tax fraud cases spanning decades, alongside four women whose cases were not as well known.

The action frees Blagojevich, the former Democratic governor of Illinois, from the federal correctional facility in Colorado where he was serving out his 14-year sentence. He was convicted on corruption charges in 2011 for trying in 2008 to sell President-elect Barack Obama’s vacated Senate seat.

“He’ll be able to go back home with his family after serving eight years in jail,” Trump told reporters. “That was a tremendously powerful, ridiculous sentence in my opinion and in the opinion of many others.”

[…]

The executive actions announced Tuesday fit a pattern of highly personal presidential justice that largely bypasses the traditional pardon process administered by the Justice Department. Most of the people who have received clemency under Trump have been well-connected offenders who had a line into the White House or currency with his political base.

The justice system isn’t supposed to work based on “my opinion and in the opinion of many others.”  It’s supposed to work based on the laws and the rules passed by Congress and the legislatures.  And it’s not supposed to work based on who paid the most money to your friends and contributors or as a neener-neener to your predecessor.

Charles P. Pierce:

The banana republic is a republic gone bananas.

Trump has also declared himself to be the “chief law enforcement officer of the country.”

Trump’s constant commentary and increasing willingness to flout traditional legal processes signal that the president feels emboldened and unrestrained after Republicans voted almost unanimously to acquit him on impeachment charges of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, said Chris Whipple, author of “The Gatekeepers,” a history of White House chiefs of staff.

“It shows that Susan Collins was right — Trump has learned a lesson,” Whipple said, referring to a prediction by the Republican senator from Maine that Trump would be more cautious after impeachment. “The lesson he learned is that he’s unaccountable. He can do whatever he wants now with impunity.”

He’s also projecting what kind of treatment he’s hoping to get from the next Republican president when he’s rotting in jail in 2028.

It’s still not too late to impeach and convict the motherfucker.  And this time, do it right.

Tuesday, February 18, 2020

Catching Up

I had a nice long weekend.  I caught up on films — “Parasite,” “A Beautiful Day in the Neighborhood,” “The Favourite,” “Knives Out” — saw a Cirque de Soleil Alegria performance (the first time I’ve seen a circus in a tent), wrote a ten-minute play, and basically ignored politics and the major media except the crossword puzzles.

In doing so I missed hearing Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas put forward the theory that the corona virus was a Chinese plot because it originated in China; that Trump wowed the crowd at a rained-out Daytona 500 and his press office put out a picture from 2004 of Air Force One photobombing the bleachers; that topless anti-dairy industry protestors took over a Bernie rally in Vegas; that all that kerfuffle about Bill Barr slapping down Trump for tweeting was all staged so he could sound independent even if he didn’t clear it with Fox News.  But the peacocks in my neighborhood are in raging heat.  That I did hear.

What’s next?

Monday, February 17, 2020

Presidents Day

Today is Presidents Day, the federal holiday mashed together to honor Washington’s Birthday and Lincoln’s Birthday which used to be holidays on their own. This one generically honors all presidents and remembering the times when we had one, and it’s a mid-winter break for schools and a day off for those of us who work in them.

Things will be a little quiet around here.

Sunday, February 16, 2020

Sunday Reading

Trump Generating Hate — An extensive report in the Washington Post on how Trump’s rhetoric is infecting schools and kids.

Two kindergartners in Utah told a Latino boy that President Trump would send him back to Mexico, and teenagers in Maine sneered “Ban Muslims” at a classmate wearing a hijab. In Tennessee, a group of middle-schoolers linked arms, imitating the president’s proposed border wall as they refused to let nonwhite students pass. In Ohio, another group of middle-schoolers surrounded a mixed-race sixth-grader and, as she confided to her mother, told the girl: “This is Trump country.”

Since Trump’s rise to the nation’s highest office, his inflammatory language — often condemned as racist and xenophobic — has seeped into schools across America. Many bullies now target other children differently than they used to, with kids as young as 6 mimicking the president’s insults and the cruel way he delivers them.

Trump’s words, those chanted by his followers at campaign rallies and even his last name have been wielded by students and school staff members to harass children more than 300 times since the start of 2016, a Washington Post review of 28,000 news stories found. At least three-quarters of the attacks were directed at kids who are Hispanic, black or Muslim, according to the analysis. Students have also been victimized because they support the president — more than 45 times during the same period.

Although many hateful episodes garnered coverage just after the election, The Post found that Trump-connected persecution of children has never stopped. Even without the huge total from November 2016, an average of nearly two incidents per school week have been publicly reported over the past four years. Still, because so much of the bullying never appears in the news, The Post’s figure represents a small fraction of the actual total. It also doesn’t include the thousands of slurs, swastikas and racial epithets that aren’t directly linked to Trump but that the president’s detractors argue his behavior has exacerbated.

“It’s gotten way worse since Trump got elected,” said Ashanty Bonilla, 17, a Mexican American high school junior in Idaho who faced so much ridicule from classmates last year that she transferred. “They hear it. They think it’s okay. The president says it. . . . Why can’t they?”

Asked about Trump’s effect on student behavior, White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham noted that first lady Melania Trump — whose “Be Best” campaign denounces online harassment — had encouraged kids worldwide to treat one another with respect.

“She knows that bullying is a universal problem for children that will be difficult to stop in its entirety,” Grisham wrote in an email, “but Mrs. Trump will continue her work on behalf of the next generation despite the media’s appetite to blame her for actions and situations outside of her control.”

Most schools don’t track the Trump bullying phenomenon, and researchers didn’t ask about it in a federal survey of 6,100 students in 2017, the most recent year with available data. One in five of those children, ages 12 to 18, reported being bullied at school, a rate unchanged since the previous count in 2015.

However, a 2016 online survey of over 10,000 kindergarten through 12th-grade educators by the Southern Poverty Law Center found that more than 2,500 “described specific incidents of bigotry and harassment that can be directly traced to election rhetoric,” although the overwhelming majority never made the news. In 476 cases, offenders used the phrase “build the wall.” In 672, they mentioned deportation.

For Cielo Castor, who is Mexican American, the experience at Kamiakin High in Kennewick, Wash., was searing. The day after the election, a friend told Cielo, then a sophomore, that he was glad Trump won because Mexicans were stealing American jobs. A year later, when the president was mentioned during her American literature course, she said she didn’t support him and a classmate who did refused to sit next to her.

“‘I don’t want to be around her,’ ” Cielo recalled him announcing as he opted for the floor instead.

Then, on “America night” at a football game in October 2018 during Cielo’s senior year, schoolmates in the student section unfurled a “Make America Great Again” flag. Led by the boy who wouldn’t sit beside Cielo, the teenagers began to chant: “Build — the — wall!”

Horrified, she confronted the instigator.

“You can’t be doing that,” Cielo told him.

He ignored her, she recalled, and the teenagers around him booed her. A cheerleading coach was the lone adult who tried to make them stop.

After a photo of the teenagers with the flag appeared on social media, news about what had happened infuriated many of the school’s Latinos, who made up about a quarter of the 1,700-member student body. Cielo, then 17, hoped school officials would address the tension. When they didn’t, she attended that Wednesday’s school board meeting.

“I don’t feel cared for,” she told the members, crying.

A day later, the superintendent consoled her and the principal asked how he could help, recalled Cielo, now a college freshman. Afterward, school staff members addressed every class, but Hispanic students were still so angry that they organized a walkout.

Some students heckled the protesters, waving MAGA caps at them. At the end of the day, Cielo left the school with a white friend who’d attended the protest; they passed an underclassman she didn’t know.

“Look,” the boy said, “it’s one of those f—ing Mexicans.”

She heard that school administrators — who declined to be interviewed for this article — suspended the teenager who had led the chant, but she doubts he has changed.

Reached on Instagram, the teenager refused to talk about what happened, writing in a message that he didn’t want to discuss the incident “because it is in the past and everyone has moved on from it.” At the end, he added a sign-off: “Trump 2020.”

This is just an excerpt from the story; there’s many examples of how minority students who are singled out, and not just by other kids.  Teachers with pro-Trump sentiments are picking on kids.  Some are being fired or disciplined, but it still goes on.

Trump Unleashed — David Corn in Mother Jones.

Through the Trump Era, it’s been fashionable for some of his critics—especially on Twitter—to assail his actions as the coming of kleptocracy, autocracy, authoritarianism, and, yes, fascism to the United States. Recently, in an airport, an elderly women stopped me to say that she survived the Holocaust in a camp and now fears she is experiencing what her mother went through eighty-five years ago as the catastrophe approached in Germany. I tried to persuade her that as bad as things are now, there remains institutions, organizations, and millions of people who will not accept what is happening to the nation’s democratic institutions and who can oppose a complete power-grab from Trump and his cult (a.k.a. the Republican Party).

I still believe that. But Trump’s hostile take-over of the Justice Department this week is yet another sign that the task of countering Trump’s extremism is becoming both harder and more crucial.

By now, you know the basics: After the Justice Department requested a seven-to-nine years sentence for Roger Stone, a longtime Trump intimate who was convicted of lying to Congress and witness-tampering (to protect Trump in the Russia scandal), Trump tweet-whined that this sentence would be too harsh, and the DoJ dutifully rescinded it. Four federal prosecutors, apparently in protest, withdrew from the Stone case, with one quitting the department. Then Trump attacked the federal judge handling the case. Still on the rampage the next day, Trump—again in a tweet—threatened to withhold assistance for New York State if it did not smother investigations related to Trump.

On Thursday afternoon, Attorney General Bill Barr seemed to rebuke Trump by saying he would not “be bullied or influenced by anybody,” including the president. But Barr has already done so much of Trump’s bidding—undermining the Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s report, opening investigations that appeared designed to unearth information that support Trump’s favorite conspiracy theories—his declaration of independence was too late, if not ludicrous.

With the impeachment behind him, Trump has been acting like Michael Corleone on steroids, intent on settling all the “family business.” He sacked impeachment witnesses Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman and Ambassador Gordon Sondland. Next he moved onto the Justice Department and the judiciary. At the same time, Barr set up a special “intake” channel at the department for Trump’s henchman Rudy Giuliani to feed rumors, dirt, and supposed leads about Trump’s rivals.

All this is crooked and horrific. Trump is rigging the justice system, trashing norms that have been in place for decades, and attacking the notion that the rule of law is essential for democratic governance. Early in his presidency, facing the Russia investigation being run by the FBI, Trump exclaimed, “Where is my Roy Cohn?” He was referring to the thuggish mob lawyer who had been red-baiting Sen. Joe McCarthy’s chief hatchet-man years before becoming a mentor and consigliere for the young Trump. Though Trump placed Barr, his own lapdog, in charge of the Justice Department last year, Trump has become his own Roy Cohn, consolidating power and seeking vengeance. And extracting revenge has long been one of Trump’s primary psychological motivations, as I first explained before he was elected president.

But this crusade of revenge does more than just feed Trump’s dark soul. It undermines the safeguards that are supposed to thwart despotic power. During the impeachment trial, Trump’s celebrity lawyer Alan Dershowitz essentially argued that Trump, as president, can get away with any act of corruption that is not a clear violation of federal criminal law. This view is far outside the mainstream of constitutional law, and under it, Trump could, say, pardon the Russian hackers who have been indicted for attacking the 2016 election (to help Trump), signal to them they should stage a repeat in 2020, and still be invulnerable to impeachment. With his unfounded contention, Dershowitz was establishing the theoretical foundation for Trumpism. With these outrageous actions since impeachment, Trump has aimed to fully implement it. The Justice Department, c’est moi. 

The Trumpficiation of this crucial part of the executive branch is a literally an abomination of justice in all these individual instances. But Trump’s war on the department and his long-running assault on the FBI (which is part of it) does more than effect the particular cases and matters he targets. It intimidates the whole system.

Imagine an FBI agent, or a Justice Department prosecutor, or an investigator at the Securities and Exchange Commission, or an IRS agent, or a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives official, or you-get-the-picture, who comes across possible wrongdoing that involves Trump, a Trump family member, a Trump company, a Trump business associate, a Trump donor, or a Trump political ally. How much guts would it take for someone in this position that to investigate the matter? How much courage would it take for that person’s supervisors to approve such an investigation? The investigators and the entire agency could face the wrath of a rage-filled president. He could start tweeting about the officers and officials involved. Maybe use their names.Put them in the spotlight. And Fox News, other rightwing media outlets, and an army of trolls would follow suit, digging up dirt on these government officials, looking not only to discredit them but to destroy them.

Who needs that shit? Who can survive it? Anyone in this position only need to think for a moment about FBI officials Peter Strzok and Lisa Page—or to consider the prosecutors in the Stone case. You devote time and energy to doing a tough job, and you end up at best overruled and at the worst pilloried on national television and placed in the line of fire. Your career could be at risk. Your reputation could be shredded. You could receive death threats. Just for doing your job.

As it happened, while I was inline to buy a sandwich for lunch today, two Treasury Department employees said hello to me. One was involved in an office that works with investigations. When I noted my concern that these extreme Trump moves could paralyze people in various federal agencies, one of them said, “Man, that’s the whole damn point. You think we all don’t get it?”

Look at the whistleblower who first raised questions about Trump’s attempt to pressure the Ukrainian president to initiate political investigations that benefit Trump. The president and his devotees in Congress and the media mounted a blitzkrieg against this CIA analyst who had followed appropriate procedure and privately reported his concerns to the intelligence community’s inspector general. The whistleblower was crucified by GOPers at the House impeachment hearings. During the impeachment trial, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), looking to suck up to Trump, displayed a poster with the supposed name of the whistleblower. Trump has repeatedly tweeted about the whistleblower. And the whistleblower and his lawyers have received death threats.

The message to other would-be whistleblowers who might reveal improbity or corruption within the Trump administration: If you say anything, your life could become hell. Hell, your life could be in peril.

This is the real danger. Trump is not merely interfering in a few incidents that directly interest him. He is creating an environment in which he and his cronies and associates are above and beyond the reach of the law. He has turned the Justice Department into a subsidiary of his political operation. Not only does this protect Trump, it makes it harder for the department to perform other necessary functions.

Barr has placed a welcome sign on his department’s door for foreign governments and intelligence services to intervene in US politics by shoving disinformation into the investigative system of the United States. It’s simple: Slip Giuliani a phony document or a compromised source; he hands that bad information to the Justice Department; and US officials have to spend time and resources chasing the false lead. And here’s the bonus: Someone at the department could leak to the media that it is examining a report that a Democratic candidate once took illegal funds from a Chinese source—whether or not that report has any legitimacy—and, presto, Fox News has an exclusive. Russia, if you’re listening….

These are difficult times. Disinformation is a threat to the fabric of American democracy. Trust in government is low. One party has traded checks and balances for tax cuts and judges. For some, the right to vote is under siege. Trump and his enablers have wrought a slow-burn crisis of democracy. They have perverted the basic foundation taught in every high school civics course: this is a government of laws, not of men and women. (Are there still civics courses?) For Trump, this is a government of Trump, for Trump, and by Trump. And his GOP handmaids and tens of millions of Americans are just fine with it.

Roger Stone is a political sleazebag who for decades has proudly engaged in dirty tricks and slime-ball actions to win elections. He is facing prison time for lying to cover up Trump misconduct in the Russia scandal. (Information produced during Stone’s trial suggested that Trump lied to Mueller, which could be a crime.) But Stone is small potatoes compared to Trump’s overall aim: The president seeks the total sublimation of the Justice Department and the whole US government to his will. If he pulls this off, it will be one more reason for that survivor I met, and anyone else who cares about preserving the rule of law and democratic values, to worry.

Doonesbury — What?

Saturday, February 15, 2020

Friday, February 14, 2020

Happy Friday

And happy VD (Valentines Day) if you celebrate.  Otherwise enjoy the day watching other people get absolutely goopy over candy kisses and Vermont Teddy Bears.

Thursday, February 13, 2020

Revenge Porn

From the Washington Post:

Trump is testing the rule of law one week after his acquittal in his Senate impeachment trial, seeking to bend the executive branch into an instrument for his personal and political vendetta against perceived enemies.

And Trump — simmering with rage, fixated on exacting revenge against those he feels betrayed him and insulated by a compliant Republican Party — is increasingly comfortable doing so to the point of feeling untouchable, according to the president’s advisers and allies.

In the span of 48 hours this week, the president has sought to protect his friends and punish his foes, even at the risk of compromising the Justice Department’s independence and integrity — a stance that his defenders see as entirely justified.

Trump complained publicly about federal prosecutors’ recommended prison sentence for one of his longtime friends and political advisers, Roger Stone. After senior Justice Department officials then overruled prosecutors to lighten Stone’s recommended sentence, the president congratulated Attorney General William P. Barr for “taking charge” with an extraordinary intervention.

This is what the House had in mind when they voted out an article of impeachment on abuse of power.  Now it’s “hold my beer.”

He’s settling all the scores now.  This is his way of moving on.  But unlike Michael Corleone, he’s flapping his gums and tweeting his thumbs, daring the House and the Democrats to come after him again.

His allies and sycophants are fine with what he’s doing.  Hey, if they do some shit, get arrested, go to trial, all they have to do is keep quiet and upon conviction know that Trump will call in his buddy Bill Barr and fix it, justice be damned because as we all know, justice has a liberal bias.

They also know that if they do anything that could be seen as weak or disloyal to him — forget what’s right or legal — he will come down on them and their family for seven generations.

If you think this is bad, just wait and see what happens if he gets re-elected.

Wednesday, February 12, 2020

It’s A Start, Not A Finish

The headlines about Bernie Sanders winning the New Hampshire primary make it sound like the next event will be the balloon drop at the convention for him.  But for those of us who remember recent history, he won the New Hampshire primary in 2016 by double digits over Hillary Clinton.  How’d that work out for him?

The headlines also proclaim that he is “staking claim to the Democrats’ left wing.”  Again, not a news flash, but since he finished 1.5% ahead of Pete Buttigieg and ended up with the same number of delegates (9) as Mayor Pete and three more than Amy Klobuchar, it’s a rather thin claim.

I was slightly surprised to see how Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden did — or didn’t — do.  Neither got a delegate out of New Hampshire.  Sen. Warren is a next-door neighbor to the Granite State, as is Sen. Sanders, and former Vice President Biden has been on the ballot and campaigned there since the 1970’s, it seems.  It’s a little much to read the tea leaves and foredoom both of them, but it’s pure punditry to say that a close finish in the first primary is solid evidence of Dems in Disarray.  If anything, it’s clarifying that Andrew Yang and Sen. Michael Bennett dropped out (I had to be reminded that Bennett was even running); I’m gonna miss the $1,000 a month that Mr. Yang was promising me, and Colorado needs Mr. Bennett in the Senate just in case Trumper Corey Gardner wins re-election.

My hope from this point on is that the Democrats will stop their kids-in-the-wayback squabbling and concentrate on the matter at hand: bringing a swift and merciless end to the Trump regime.  That’s it.  I daresay most Democrats, be they Bernie Bros or Klobuchargers or Mayor Pete’s Brigade, want that too, and now it’s time to get on with it.  It will be messy — when is it ever not? — but it’s certainly better than the alternative.

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

It Only Takes One

Yesterday I talked about polls and the fact that they are moments and will soon disappear from memory.  But one thing that they can create is an after-image that instills some kind of long-lasting fear of inevitability.  That’s mainly due to the message of immediacy that the media wants to convey: “This just in!” and “BREAKING NEWS” with a headline of something we already knew an hour ago and before the commercial for erectile dysfunction.

We can’t let that overwhelm us, and as the wise ones tell us, look at the whole board, not the individual pieces, and look at the long game, not the next move.  Remember that when the Democrats finally choose a candidate, they are running against an incumbent that in any other case they would beat at a walk.  And while I still believe a poll today is sour milk next week, take some comfort in the fact that at the moment, any one of of the top Democratic candidates could beat Trump.

Bloomberg beats Trump 51-42
Sanders beats Trump 51-43
Biden beats Trump 50-43
Klobuchar beats Trump 49-43
Warren beats Trump 48-44
Buttigieg beats Trump 47-43

Mike Bloomberg isn’t on the ballot in the New Hampshire primary, but he got three write-in votes in Dixville Notch, the little town that votes first.  That may be just New Hampshire contrariness, but it also suggests that they’re ready for a big change.

The pundits are telling us that Trump is a juggernaut, that he’s had the best week ever.  We dispelled that yesterday, but they want a real race; a landslide that wipes him out doesn’t sell papers or time slots, and we’d be back to getting fascinating lessons in obscure history from Rachel Maddow.  Knowing that any one of the six candidates could beat Trump in February means that we really need to make sure that we have one that will do it in November.  It only takes one.

Monday, February 10, 2020